Table of Content

15 May 2016, Volume 33 Issue 3

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Research on the Rules of Trademark in TPP Final Text as Well as #br# Related Influence on China and Corresponding Measures

2016, 33(3):  1-17. 

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 On the basis of 2011 American draft and 2013 draft released by WikiLeaks, provisions of trademark in TPP gradually become complete, which have distinct characteristics and include a wide range of fields. The latest provisions of trademark in TPP further enrich the contents of law enforcement, pay attention to the balance between fairness and efficiency of enforcement procedures, set up diversified tort compensation systems, aggravate the parties’ obligation to take border measures and lower the standard for identifying a trademark infringement as violating the criminal law. Facing a set of latest changes in rules, it is necessary to recognize the difference and disparity between TPP and trademark law of China and to take corresponding measures, such as consummating domestic trademark legal system and accelerating the formation of global free trade zone network with higher standard, in order to diminish negative impacts from the new rules in TPP on China.

The Multilateral Development Banks and Global Economic Governance: #br# From World Bank to BRICS New Development BanK

2016, 33(3):  18-30. 

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 Global economic governance involves finance, trade and economic development, and its essence is to provide international public goods. The multilateral development banks in economic governance are oriented to development aid and responsible for poverty reduction. Without the joint participation of developed and emerging marketing economies, the global economic governance can hardly be aptly named. As one of the three pillars of the Bretton Woods System, World Bank has had both economic and political significance since its founding. World Bank has played an active role in global economic governance, however, due to the mismatch of voting power and economic scale, a lot of problems have been triggered. The BRICS New Development Bank was founded in the similar background where profound changes had already taken place in world economic order. Accordingly, BRICS New Development Bank, resembling the founding of World Bank, will not only have economic functions and political symbolic significance, but also play a part in constructing a new order for international economy.

International Organizations and China’s Public DiplomacyLI Hua，YANG Jiaojiao#br# (School of Social Sciences, Shanghai  University, Shanghai 200444, China)Abstract：

2016, 33(3):  31-43. 

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 Since the end of the Cold War, the trend of globalization  across countries and regions have greatly enriched the connotation of international relations. Against this background, international organizations, as forms of international exchanges and cooperation between sovereign states, have been endowed with a new role and responsibility, and its function as public diplomacy has gained increasing prominence in particular. The degree of participation in and identification with international organizations has become an important gauge to judge the extent to which a nation's merges into international system and international discourse power. In this regard, the public diplomacy of international organizations is an important and indispensable means for China to build its state image and lift its cultural soft power in the  process of peaceful

A Research into Xia Yan’s SelfInspection in the  Rectification #br# Movements by the Ministry of Culture

2016, 33(3):  44-57. 

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Beijing 100875, China)Abstract： The selfinspection in political movements, not like Church confession, nor like court defense, is a unique cultural phenomenon, deserving monographic study. Xia Yan’s SelfInspection in the Rectification Movements by the Ministry of Culture，originally writtenon Jan. 19, 1965, and published recently, is a case in point. It can be analyzed within the Social Role Theory plus the framework of social construction theory: the process of role assignment and script negotiations define a certain social context; and the wording style of the inspection text and the subtext demonstrates the deliberation and intention of the performer. Besides, the grand play of rectification, criticism and inspection need to be examined and understood in the pantextual context of society, history and ideology.

Revisiting the Production and Distribution of the LeftWing Films #br# in Hong Kong During the “Cultural Revolution”

2016, 33(3):  58-66. 

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In the late 1960s, the transformation into localization was initiated in Hong Kong society and film industry, with entertainment as the subject appeal. In this context, Hong Kong left-wing film production was, however, deeply influenced by the mainland trend, embodying intertextuality with mainland films. The productions, under the high banner of politics, turned out to be aesthetically homogeneous in terms of conceptualization and stereotypes, thus gradually detached from the Hong Kong audience. Meanwhile, the industry itself suffered depression with severely decreasing number of productions. The import and export of films between Hong Kong and the mainland also reached a historical low. After the reform and openingup in mainland, the left-wing films recovered to some extent, but the declining trend on the whole was not reversed.

Visible LeftWing：Revisiting Zheng Junli’s Films During #br# the “ Seventeen Years

2016, 33(3):  67-76. 

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The period of 19491964 witnessed the peak of Zheng Junli’s career as a film director. Since his films during this period were closely linked with the political orientation at the moment, each of them enjoyed recognition in the history of the Chinese films after the founding of People’s Republic of China (PRC). As the drafter of The Recent Program of Action for the Association of the Chinese LeftWing Dramatists at the early stage, Zheng reserved the leftwing rationale of “art for politics”, internalized the political discipline on the other hand, and meanwhile constantly explored the ideological and aesthetic expressions of film after the founding of PRC. Through a historical analysis of the five films directed by Zheng during the “Seventeen Years” (19491966), the paper examined the influence of the extreme “left” political pressure on the subject as an art producer, and even on the personal injury to the artist. It reveals that the birth of leftwing culture had its significance in the then times and its positive role in social and cultural construction. Nevertheless, developed to its extreme when calling for the attachment of aesthetic practice of film to the dominant political culture, leftwing culture lost its original value and significance. The study of Zheng’s films during the “Seventeen Years” presents a new dimension of the development of today’s leftwing culture under the current situation.

Imperial Examinations and Literati Associations in Ming Dynasty

2016, 33(3):  77-85. 

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The relationship between imperial examinations and literati associations was extremely complicated. Imperial examinations had enormous influence on literati associations, and the later, reaching a certain scale and standard, had an counteractive effect, too. The examinations’ influence on literati associations was mainly embodied as follows: the participation of the scholars who had already passed an imperial examination encouraged the prevalence of associations; the Imperial Examination System itself served as a catalyst to the birth and development of associations; the examination every three years provided an opportunity for candidates to form or join an association; and the content and style of imperial examinations also had a strong effect on associations. The counteractive effects of literati associations were reflected directly in the admission results of the imperial examinations, and indirectly in the styles of the stereotyped eightpart compositions. 

The Relation between Cultural and Text Communication: Taking the#br# Communication of The Arabian Nights in China as an Example

2016, 33(3):  86-92. 

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The communication of Arabian Nights started late in China, and the early translations are not satisfying. But in the perspective of social cultural life and the psychology of the receiving public, the Arabian Islamic stories like this are well received and acquainted by Chinese folks. From the historical and cultural perspectives, the Arabian Islamic culture had long been transmitted in considerably expansive areas, with comparatively profound influence and foundation of receiving public. It is the cultural communication that made up for the weak textual communication of The Arabian Nights. Despite the asynchrony of cultural and textual communications, the impetus to the promotion of the text did exist. This unique phenomenon deserves attention and further research.

Depictions of Yangzhou and Shanghai as Cities South of Yangtze #br# River during the Modern Transition Period#br# ——Taking Dream of Romance and Biographies of Flowers in #br# Shanghai as Examples

2016, 33(3):  93-102. 

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 Dream of Romance(Fengyue Meng) and Biographies of Flowers in Shanghai(Haishang Hua Liezhuan)were late Qing Dynasty novels set in the cities of Yangzhou and Shanghai respectively. The different city images during different times revealed urban changes  in the south of theYangtze River in the modern transition period. Dream of Romance conveyed a nostalgic reminiscence of the traditional lifestyles andvalues through the depiction of the images of Yangzhou. Biographies of Flowers in Shanghai, however, carried a different tone and expressed the writer’s recognition and approval of Shanghai as a modern metropolis filled with urban lifestyles and values. The depictions of the two cities not only reflect the transformation of cities in south of theYangtze Riverin the modern transition period, but also convey the writers’ positive attitude toward modern urban values to some extent.

The Narrative in the Image Building of Liu Hulan in Comic Strips

2016, 33(3):  116-126. 

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 Liu Hulan, as a household revolutionary heroine, became a definite image carrying symbolic significance after the canonization during the period of Cultural Revolution. The image building of Liu Hualan , in effect, was a complicated process accompanied by the prominence of difference discourse patterns at different historical phases. From “a maiden in the routine narrative ” to “a heroine in the narrative of class struggles”, the image of Liu Hulan was gradually depicted as a monotonous character. Through the examination of Liu Hulan’s image changes in the perspective of comic strips, the paper traces how the stereotype of the “revolutionary heroine” was built through “adoption or deletion” and “adaptation”. It also reveals that under a unified mainstream tone in narrating revolutionary figures, the competition between “original story” and “arranged story” reflected the rival between folk discourse and ideological discourse.

Qian Mu and His Research on the History of Chinese Political System: #br# Centering on “Non-Autarchy View of Traditional Chinese Politics”

2016, 33(3):  127-140. 

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 Based on his research into traditional Chinese politics, Qian Mu developed a distinctive view and came to the conclusion that traditional Chinese politics since the Qing Dynasty was not autarchical. This view incurred much questioning and criticism. When researching into Qian’s view of traditional Chinese politics, we should at least heed to the following questions: Under what background did Qian put forward the “Non-Autarchy”? Which school of thought was he arguing against? What made him firm and consistent despite all the criticism and accusations? Did such political systems established upon Confucianism as the Imperial Examination System, the Impeachment and Expostulation System, the Rejection System and the Quan Electoral System put a premium or restriction on the monarchy? Does the phrase “autarchical darkness” suffice to summarize traditional Chinese politics? Is such understanding running the risk of being simplified or one-sided? Are there desirable points in Qian’s research into traditional Chinese politics? If the answer is “yes”, how to extract and sort out the essence of Qian’s research and make proper explanations? What mistakes did Qian make? And how to analyze his mistakes? Without answering these questions, it is groundless to make objective narrations or comments on the merits and demerits of Qian’s research on traditional Chinese politics. Qian’s non-autarchy view deserves more reflection and discussion among academic circles about traditional Chinese politics, and also offers a new perspective and line of thought in  the research of traditional Chinese politics and may stimulate an in-depth research into the topic.